Rosario Cruz-Lucero and Ruchie Mark Pototanon

Suggested citation:

Cruz-Lucero, Rosario, and Ruchie Mark Pototanon. 2018. “Capiznon.” With contributions by E. Arsenio Manuel. In Our Islands, Our People: The Histories and Cultures of the Filipino Nation, edited by Rosario Cruz-Lucero.


Capiznon is derived from the word kapis, a seashell used to make square panes for windows (and obtained from the mollusk Placuna placenta) and the suffix “non” or “people.” The term refers to the culture, language, and people of Capiz province, one of Panay Island’s four provinces: Iloilo, Capiz, Antique, and Aklan. Capiz is bounded by the Sibuyan Sea on the north, Aklan province on the northwest, Antique province on the west, and Iloilo province on the south and southwest.[1]

As of 2010, the total population of Capiz province is 719,685 persons, of whom 97% are Capiznon, thus numbering about 700,000. The remaining 3% are Ilonggo, Badjao/Sama Dilaut, Manobo, and others. It is the third most populous province in the region. Capiz has 16 municipalities: Cuartero, Dao, Dumalag, Dumarao, Ivisan, Jamindan, Maayon, Mambusao, Pan-ay, Panit-an, Pilar, Pontevedra, President Roxas, Sapian, Sigma, and Tapaz. Its capital is Roxas City.[2]


The Capiznon people belong to a larger group called Visayan, and the Capiznon language is a subclassification of the Visayan language. It is closely related to Hiligaynon, 91% of which Capiznon speakers comprehend. It is considered one of four languages constituting the peripheral subgroup of central Visayan languages, the other three being Hiligaynon, Masbatenyo, and Camotes.[3]

Though frequently mistaken to be the same as Hiligaynon, Capiznon has certain features that make it a different language. Capiznon possessive pronouns are formed by the addition of a t-prefix to the Hiligaynon, Kinaray-a, and Aklanon pronouns, thus: t-akon (I), t-aton (We- inclusive), t-amon (we-exclusive), t-imo (you), t-inyo (you plural), t-iya (he/she), and t-ila (they).[4]  These pronouns adopt the nominative and accusative case and are always in the middle or end (not in the beginning) of a sentence. These pronouns are similar in form to those of nearby but more distantly related languages such as Kinaray-a and Aklanon. In Capiznon, the third-person singular pronoun “tiya (pronounced “cha” or “tsa”) precedes personal pronouns for emphasis, thus forming double pronouns in an utterance. For example “Indi tiya takon” can mean either “it wasn’t me” or “I won’t (do it/like it).” Additionally, some Capiznon words are not Hiligaynon but are similar to Aklanon or Waray, such as yandâ ‘now’, laong ‘to request permission’, bundol ‘dull’, halâ ‘to say’, and gumangkun ‘nephew/niece’.

Words such as gutus ‘to walk’, likot ‘weeds’ or ‘litter’, uyapad ‘ricefields’, pinsan ‘as a whole’, and hinipu ‘youngest child’ have no known cognates among nearby languages. Some words that are found both in Hiligaynon and Capiznon may have different meanings. Libud, meaning ‘to peddle’ in Hiligaynon, means ‘to stroll’ in Capiznon. Tina-i, meaning ‘intestines’ in Hiligaynon, means ‘stomach’ in Capiznon. Palak, meaning ‘to panic’ or ‘to rattle’ in Hiligaynon, means ‘to brag’ in Capiznon.

Languages in Panay island exist in a continuum; thus, varieties of Capiznon exist even among its different speakers. Capiznon with its distinct features is spoken in northeastern Panay, such as Roxas City and the towns of Pan-ay, Panit-an, Ivisan, Pres. Roxas, Maayon, Pilar, and Pontevedra. However, Kinaray-a predominates in Tapaz, Dumarao, Dumalag, Dao, and Jamindan; and Aklanon is spoken in Mambusao, Sigma, and Sapi-an more than Capiznon or Hiligaynon.[5]  The variety spoken in Panit-an is even more distinctive in that the Hiligaynon /l/ is pronounced as /w/ or /y/. Thus, the Hiligaynon magulang ‘elder sibling’ is maguwayng in Capiznon and ulu ‘head’ is uwi.[6]



Folk history recorded in the Maragtas by Pedro Monteclaro (1907) says ten Bornean datu ‘chieftains’ landed at a site now known as San Joaquin town in Iloilo province. They purchased Panay from the Aeta, cultivated the land, and renamed the island Madya-as. They divided it into three sakup ‘communities’: Irong- Irong, Akean (which included the area of Capiz), and Hamtik (now Antique). These were loosely united under a government called the Katiringban it Madya-as (Confederation of Madya-as).


Long before the Spanish colonizers arrived on Panay island, its two great rivers were already named Halawod and Pan-ay. The last village that the Halawod river traverses before it empties into the Guimaras Strait is also called Halawod (or Araut), now called Dumangas. On the opposite end of the island toward the north, the last village that the Pan-ay river traverses before it empties into the Visayan Sea was also called Pan-ay (now Roxas City). The residents also referred to it as the bamban ‘channel’, which some Spanish chroniclers mistook to be its name.[7] The people who lived on the banks of Pan-ay River called themselves taga-Pan-ay or Pan-ayanon; and those on the Halawod riverbanks, taga-Halawod or Halawodnon.


In November 1566 a Portuguese armada arrived to lay siege to the Spanish settlement in Cebu. Four years later the Portuguese lifted their blockade, and Legazpi resumed the project of colonial expansion in the archipelago. In 1565 Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and his men landed in Cebu and established a settlement they called San Miguel. From 1566 to 1569 a Portuguese blockade prevented the Spaniards from leaving the island of Cebu. When the Spanish armada departed in 1569, Legazpi sent his grandson Felipe del Salcedo to the village of Pan-ay (now Roxas City), located at the mouth of the Banica River in Capiz. Del Salcedo forged an alliance with the people of Pan-ay by waging war with their enemy villages at their request and thus ensured a safe welcome for Legazpi. On 7 Jun 1569 Juan del Salcedo was sent from Cebu to Panay to replace his brother Felipe, who had been assigned to Mexico. By August 1569 the datus of Pan-ay, Mariclong and Macabug, had been sufficiently subjugated for Legazpi to settle in this village. Thus, Pan-ay was transformed into a Spanish settlement, the second in the Philippines, after San Miguel, Cebu. In 1570 the arrival of Juan de la Isla in Panay, with three ships and numerous Spaniards, signified the formal colonization of Panay. On 16 Aug 1571 Legazpi departed Panay to invade Manila.[8]

The Spaniards who subsequently came to Panay island invariably remarked on the abundance of food, especially rice, on this island, because the other islands had only tubers such as camote ‘sweet potato’, cassava, and ube ‘purple yam’. Panay became the primary source of provisions for the Spanish colonizers stationed in the other islands, thus earning the label, “granary of the archipelago.”[9]

Referring to this abundance, Legazpi’s chronicler, Fray Gaspar de San Agustin, took the island’s name and made a pun on it: “The island of Panay exceeds all others in harvests, verifying its name Panay.” Later chronicler, Casimiro Diaz, explicitly clarified the pun thus: “This island is called Panay, so even its name suits it; for in it there grows so great an abundance of rice, which is the bread of this country.”[10]

Such comments have spun off into the popular quote, “Pan hay en esta isla!” (Bread there is on this island!), supposed to have been exclaimed by Legazpi’s men in elation. Thus, according to this folk myth, it was the Spaniards who gave the island its name. Historical fact, however, disproves this myth.

The early Spanish colonizers took to calling the Panayanon “Pintados” (Painted Ones) because of their tattooed bodies. Hence, in the early years of Spanish colonization, the Visayan islands, which included Panay and Negros, were called Las Islas de los Pintados (Islands of the Painted Ones), later the Bisayas de los Pintados. These islands were subsumed under one province, with Cebu as its capital. Not all the Pintados, or tattooed people, however, fell under the jurisdiction of Cebu. For instance, Marinduque, though populated by Pintados, was not an administrative part of the Bisayas de los Pintados.[11]


Akean was divided into encomiendas, large tracts of land granted by the Spanish king to loyal Spanish subjects. The town of Pan-ay, Capiz, was appropriated by the king in his name, and it became the seat of the chief encomendero, the land grantee whose functions and privileges were equivalent to those of a provincial governor. The riverbanks of Pan-ay, with a scattered population of about 2,000 natives, were distributed to Spanish soldiers.


In 1703 Panay Island was divided into three provinces: Iloilo, Antique, and Capiz (which included Aklan). But it was only in 1716 that Capiz was made a politico-military province, which included the neighboring islands of Maestre del Campo, Romblon, Tablas, and Sibuyan. A town of the same name, Capiz (now called Roxas City) was founded in the same year. Before this, Capiz was within the jurisdiction of Oton, iloilo. The province of Capiz was created under Republic Act 2711 on 10 Mar 1917, as a third-class province based on income, though this still included Aklan.

Aklan was separated from Capiz only in 1956; hence, the history of Capiz is often connected with that of Aklan. However, the western section of the old Capiz province is still called Aklan (possibly after the name of the river that flows in this valley) while the eastern side, which is present-day Capiz, was called Ilaya.[12]


Pan-ay, like the other coastal towns of Panay, was beleaguered by a series of Muslim raids. In 1569 the Spanish soldier Juan Salcedo, with a combined force of Spanish soldiers and Aklan and lbajay warriors, pursued Muslim invaders to Mindoro and defeated them. In 1599, the pirates entered the town of Pan-ay via Banica river and razed it. Another attack occurred in 1633 and, in 1672, the alcalde mayor was captured and beheaded. As late as 1814, two watchtowers, measuring seven sq ft and ten ft high and made of black pebbles, were each built on a hilltop in what is now Roxas City.[13]


Throughout the Spanish colonial period, several large and small uprisings occurred in Panay. For instance, 400 Negrito and Malay rebels laid siege to the town of Dumalag in 1795.[14]  Teresa Magbanua, a Katipunan member from Iloilo, led her first battle in Barrio Yating, Pilar town, Capiz.[15]

The three most renowned Capiznon leaders of the Revolution of 1896-98 were Papa Macario Lukso of Tapaz, Brig Gen Juan Arce of Sigma, and Gen Esteban D. Contreras of Pontevedra. While residing in Luzon for several years, Lukso and Arce had joined Bonifacio’s Katipunan movement. Subsequently, they both returned to Capiz, each to organize local chapters of the Katipunan—Lukso, in Tapaz and Jamindan; and Arce, the municipalities from Ivisan to Pilar.

Esteban Contreras, on the other hand, organized his own revolutionary group independent of the Katipunan on 18 Mar 1897, in his hometown of Barrio Malag-it, Pontevedra, Capiz. They called themselves the agraviados ‘aggrieved’. Like Lukso, Contreras’s charisma derived from his anting-anting ‘supernatural power,’ to which was also attributed his numerous victories against the enemy: he could delude them into seeing revolutionary soldiers where there were only sticks; he grazed his white horse over tops of trees; and he always eluded capture. He devised ingenious strategies with which to recruit more revolutionaries.[16]


Lukso’s group was composed of 40 pulahanes, lit. ‘those wearing red’, which was also an indigenous religious movement. They called Lukso “Papa Macario” and “Alapaap,” ‘sky’. On the early morning of 24 Feb 1897, in what is now known as The Battle of Tapaz, they attacked the Spanish garrison in that town, most of them armed only with bolos and spears, and a few with Mauser rifles, which were no match for the Spanish troops’ armory. They then escaped into the interiors of the Madya-as mountains. In 1898 Lukso was killed in a knife fight.[17]


By early 1898, the three leaders Arce, Contreras, and Lukso had joined forces, numbering around 15,000, in Mambusao. On 15 Apr 1898, they attacked the Spanish garrison at Barrio Tanza del Norte of Pan-ay town. Spanish reinforcements were stopped by a revolutionary contingent, led by Col. Felix Balgos, at Barrio Agbalo. Hence, the Spanish forces were easily outnumbered and defeated. Lieut. Pascual Barza, having felled a Spanish captain, was promoted to Colonel.[18]

Anticipating enemy reinforcements from Capiz town, the revolutionaries then lay in wait at Sitio Lahab, Barrio Bato, off Pan-ay town. This battle lasted for four days, in which about 150 on either side, including a Lieut. Bellosillo, perished. In reprisal, the Spaniards razed the whole town of Pan-ay, except the church, and executed 12 residents. The revolutionary army broke up and returned to their respective hometowns to recoup.[19]


After a month, the revolutionaries emerged from hiding and launched a series of attacks against the Spanish detachments. In June 1898 Arce, now brigadier general, re-assembled his forces at the top of the Capulugan Hill, Pilar, beside Balisong River and its swampy banks. Joining him were other leaders such as Contreras and Col Pascual Barza three days later..Aurelio Matillano came with his own townmates in Pilar.

Capulugan Hill was 50 ft high and steep, made of coral rocks sharp as knives. It was part of a hilly range dotted with caves. On the hilltop, they erected shacks and defensive embankments, piled up fist-sized rocks to supplement their guns and a cannon. They transformed the hilltop into a wooden fortress, stacking up logs and boulders.[20]

On 7 Jun 1898 the Spanish forces besieged the hill from all sides. The revolutionaries cut the ropes that secured the logs, pushed the boulders down, and pelted the enemy with the rocks. But after five hours’ battle, seeing the Spanish forces’ superior arms and greater numbers, the surviving rebels finally escaped through the nearby caves and swamps. They had lost two men, one of them Brig Gen Arce, but had felled about 300 of the Spanish forces.[21]  To this day, the people of Pilar town commemorate this heroic stand, now known as The Battle of Balisong Hill, and they honor the heroism of Juan Arce with pageantry and a reenactment on the church patio.[22]


A few months after the battle of Balisong Hill, the Capiznon and Aklanon revolutionaries joined forces. Immediately after, the Spaniards’ surrender became imminent when they constituted a comite de pacificacion ‘peace committee’.[23]

On 15 Sep 1898, Emilio Aguinaldo held the Malolos Congress, in which the Capiznon representatives were Miguel Zaragoza, Mariano Bacani, and Juan Baltazar. Two months later, to ensure that his Malolos-based government would have some involvement in the defeat of the Spanish forces in Panay, Aguinaldo sent a Tagalog contingent, headed by Gen. Ananias Diokno and Macario Adriatico. It was a timely move, because, by Dec 1898, the Spanish forces were evacuating Aklan and retreating to Capiz, where they formally surrendered in August 1899.[24]


On 24 Dec 1898, two weeks after Spain and the US had signed the Treaty of Paris, the Spaniards departed Iloilo City. Four days later, US ships under the command of Brig. Gen. M.P. Miller anchored at its docks. For six long weeks, however, the American troops stayed put on their ships while the leaders of Iloilo stalled them off. Finally, Miller received the order from Maj Gov Elwell Otis to take the island of Panay. On 11 Feb 1899 the US troops finally set foot in Iloilo.[25]

On 5 Dec 1899 a US battalion landed at Passi and for four days, walked through six towns to Capiz town, interrupted by intermittent ambushes from the revolutionaries-turned-guerilla-resistance fighters. As the Americans marched into the Capiz town hall, the residents kept their houses shut. However, in the center of each capiz window was a tiny glass pane that customarily served as their peephole. Through these, the people witnessed the formal surrender of their town to US rule and the raising of the American flag.[26] The incumbent presidente ‘mayor’, Jose Albar, then continued to stay in office as the new regime’s appointee.[27]

From here, the Americans plundered the towns of Capiz province, such as Calapawan and Cabugao, known to be the guerillas’ nests. Homes and storehouses for rice grains were razed, homes looted and then burned, and villagers interrogated under torture. Capt Ramon Contreras was himself subjected to the “water cure.”[28]


The other face of US colonization was its policy of “benevolent assimilation,” which was to be fulfilled through the transplantation of its own homegrown systems and institutions into Philippine culture: a capitalist democracy; a public school system to spread American history, culture, and the English language; roads and bridges for easier access and communications to remote regions of the archipelago; and a public health system that would eradicate contagious diseases, particularly leprosy.

To these ends, the newly appointed local government was inaugurated on 17 Jan 1900, with Simplicio Jugo y Vidal as governor and Mariano Chiyuto as presidente ‘mayor’ of Capiz town. Fighting, however, continued between the US troops and guerillas, until, one by one, the resistance leaders of Panay surrendered: Gen Delgado of Iloilo on 2 Feb 1901; Gen Fullon of Antique on 1 Mar; and Aguinaldo’s Tagalog man Diokno, on the same day. The last to surrender was Gen Esteban Contreras, on 23 Mar 1901.[29]

The US battalion in Capiz town opened a school, with its chaplain as teacher. Volunteer soldiers started teaching English in its schools, and then in nearby towns. By Sept 1900, 94 boys and girls were going to school in the whole province.[30]

On 14-15 Apr 1901, when the Taft Commission visited Capiz, the meeting that was held with the local officials ended with a speech in English delivered in a flawless accent by a ten-year-old Filipino, Ludovico Hidrosollo. This was four months before the arrival of the Thomasites, the first American teachers who journeyed from the US aboard the S.S. Thomas. In August 1901, 14 Thomasites came to Capiz province and spread out into several of its towns: 5 in Capiz town, 2 at Kalibo, and 1 each at Panitan, Dao, Dumarao, Pontevedra, Pan-ay, Ibajay and Malinao.[31]

In the same month that year, the Balangiga massacre in Samar caused a great stir even in Capiz as rumors flew across the islands of a widespread uprising. One American officer reported its suspicions that Capiz’s ruling party was reviving the Katipunan with a “secret fund” coming from the town revenues, particularly those of the cockpit and the public market. Indeed, Gov Vidal, in his yearly reports, consistently described the people’s “profound discontent,” citing several complaints, among them the abuses committed by American soldiers.[32]

By 1904 local young women who were being trained to become teachers themselves made up what was called an “aspirante” class. Besides elementary schools, there were night schools, normal schools, industrial and agricultural schools. In the whole province, which had a children’s population of 50,000, there was a total of 1,154 students distributed among 15 schools, with 10 American and 15 Filipino teachers. Barrio Loctugan alone had a Filipino teacher with 200 students. By the end of 1905, the number of schools had leaped to 137, with 22 American teachers, 137 Filipino ones, and 22,227 students.[33]

Mary H. Fee, a Thomasite who, in 1910 published a detailed account of her stay in the Philippines, describes baseball as being “the most popular American import.” Capiz, she notes, started its own team in 1903. In their music classes, the students sang “Swanee River,” “There’ll Be a Hot Time,” “Just One Girl,” and “After the Ball.” She mentions a helpful young pupil named Hidrosollo.[34]  This boy became one of the first two pensionados ‘scholars’ of the province sent to the US in 1903. Hidrosollo took a degree in agriculture from the University of Michigan, became a member of the Board of Regents of the University of the Philippines in 1926-31, and governor of Capiz in 1947.[35]

In 1902 roads were impassable, even for wagons, and there were hardly any bridges. Of greatest priority was the road connecting Capiz City with the town of Pilar, where the sugar plantations had been the most productive before most of its sugar mills were set on fire during the revolution against Spain. By 1904, this road, which included bridges, was completed. In 1910 a railway covering the 110-km distance between Capiz and Iloilo was completed. Trains ran along this railway until the 1980s.[36]

Industrialization, which coincided with the American colonial period, was the central concern of Gov. Antonio Habana, who succeeded Vidal. In 1906, he noted that the simple hoe, which had been introduced into the country only in 1901, was the most common plowing implement among the farmers. Some still depended on the carabao-pulled plow, and a few sugar planters were now resorting to the modern disk plow. In the whole province, there were two rice-hulling machines, but all the weaving industries, such as those of burlap sacks, sinamay, nipa, and hats, were being manually done by women from out of their home.[37]

Three distilleries had been erected in 1865 by the Ayala company of Manila in the nipa swamps of Capiz town (now Roxas City), and these were supervised by Margarita Roxas y Ayala. This prompted Don Antonio Roxas, grandfather of the future Pres Roxas, to put up his own, too. The large-scale manufacture of whiskey from nipa-palm juice had been the only mechanized industry then and could have been forerunners of a program of nationalized industrialization. But in 1906 the American regime’s introduction of the internal-revenue tax had forced the shutdown of the distilleries.[38]  The following year saw the re-opening of these distilleries, plus five others, making eight distilleries in all.[39] In World War II (WWII), the Japanese cannibalized the copper and bronze machinery in these buildings.[40]


The Capiznon’s involvement in WWII began even before the Japanese reached their shores. At the behest of then Lt Col Manuel A. Roxas through Gov Gabriel Hernandez, they donated 17,000 sacks of rice and corn, and 10,000 eggs to the Allied troops in Bataan and Corregidor. On 12 Apr 1942 enemy troops landed simultaneously in Capiz, Iloilo, and Antique. This led to the formation of the Panay Resistance Movement, divided into the civil resistance movement and the Panay guerilla force, led by Ilocano-Pangasinense Gen Macario Peralta, who had been assigned to Panay. By December 1944, the Capiznon guerillas had reclaimed the Japanese garrisons; and on 1 Sep 1945, Lt Col Ryochi Tozuka led in the surrender of the Imperial Japanese Army in Panay.[41]

The end of the Japanese occupation in 1945 revived the Filipinos’ active participation in electoral politics and other regional concerns. Capiznon individuals who have attained prominence include Pres Manuel A. Roxas; Pedro Gil, founder and editor of newspapers, congressman, and ambassador to Buenos Aires; Vicente Carmona, first president of the Philippine National Bank; Cornelio Villareal Sr, a member, along with Roxas, of the 1934 Constitutional Convention; Jovita Fuentes, National Artist for Music; and Daisy Avellana, National Artist for theater.



Capiz is a first-class province, with an average annual income of PHP99,313 per family. Due to its geography, it has very abundant natural resources in both land and sea. The municipality of Roxas (formerly named Capiz) has 31 towns, classified as urban, and other rural barangays. lying within the Panay River Basin. The Panay River, 152 kms long, has three major tributaries: Mambusao River, Badbaran River, and Maayon River. Upper Panay River flows downstream from the town of Panit-an and divides into two parts: the lower Panay River and the Pontevedra River. Pontevedra River leads to the Hamulauon River, which is the largest outlet of the Panay River system and creates a bay called Tinagong Dagat. The Panay River, on the other hand, flows into the plains, thus providing natural irrigation to agricultural crops, mainly rice. However, during the typhoon season this area tends to go under water.[42]


The main agricultural products of the province are rice (335 605 metric tons, or mt, in 2010), sugar cane (496,333 mt in 2009), and coconuts (87, 603 mt in 2009). But Capiz is best known as the country’s “seafood capital” because of its 90-km-long coastline, which forms natural bays like Sapian and Tinagong Dagat, which are essential for fishing and brackish-water aquaculture. Roxas City alone has 1,805 ha. of fishponds, which, per year, produce 3,127 mt of milkfish, 312 mt of shrimp, 3,664 mt of mussels, and 1,034 mt of oysters. Commercial fishing yields 10,558 mt per year and subsistence fishing, 4,679 mt.[43]  The province also abounds in alimango ‘mudcrabs’, diwal ‘pacific angel wings’, lukon ‘prawns’, and cagaycay ‘Asiatic hard clams’.[44]


The same geographical factors have provided for large and small industries. Sand and gravel are the region’s contribution to the country’s construction industry. The nipa palm thrives best along the coast, and the making of nipa shingles for roofing is a lucrative occupation. The buri-palm fiber called saguran is made into hats, slippers, mats, household adornments, burlap sacks, and sail. Pi-os ‘capiz’ is the major trade product for which Capiz is best known: the shells are used for windows. At the turn of the 20th century, its meat was purchased by plantation owners in Negros and Iloilo to feed their workers.[45]  Other cottage industries are basketmaking, mosquito nets, rope, abaca weaving, shell craft, and abaca slippers. The cloth-weaving industry reached its peak production before WWII but has since declined because the market is flooded with mass-manufactured textiles. An emerging industry is cut-flower and ornnamental-plant production. Between 2006 and 2007, the Capiz Multi-Purpose Cooperative Inc. sent 11,071 kilos of the fortune-plant shrub Dracaena to Japan.[46]


There were no copper mines until 1955, when Wenceslao Indencia established the Pilar Copper Mines Inc. In 1999 Provincial Board Order No. 6 put a stop to commercial mining for a 15-year period, and, three years later, extended the ban to another 50 years. Since 2004, however, small-scale mining has been allowed in Maayon and Dumarao. In 2007 the Provincial Board Resolution No.69 allowed for “mineral exploration,” a term that its critics claim allows a way around the mining ban.[47]


The tourism industry has grown; in 2009 it earned PHP1.308 billion. Great crowd drawers are festivals like the Capiztahan (Apr 9-15) and Sinadya sa Halaran (Dec 4-8). Popular sites are the Pan-ay church, which has the country’s biggest bell, cast in 1884 from 76 sacks of coins; Pres. Manuel Roxas’s birthplace; and the ruins of two 19th-century “Moro towers” standing on separate sites in Roxas City.[48]  The Panay River Tour, lasting 45 minutes, gives tourists a view of the city’s riverscape, and stopovers along the way offer them a glimpse of the village folk’s lifestyle and fishing practices.[49]

On the other hand, Capiz’s overseas workers number 10,842 persons, or 1.9% of its total adult population.


Throughout its history, Capiz’s fortunate geography has not spared it of natural disasters. Well into the American colonial period, until eradication methods were either discovered or invented, the province suffered from human epidemics like cholera, animal plagues like rinderpest, and infestations on agricultural crops like those of locusts and rats. Climatic extremes, however, like drought and typhoons, have been the bane of this province, from the earliest colonial accounts until the present. In 5 Nov 1984 Typhoon Undang destroyed Php 97.08 million on agriculture and Php71 million on fishponds. On 8 Nov 2013 the damage caused by Typhoon Yolanda (aka Haiyan) on the fishing industry amounted to PHP675.82 million, and on 22,259 ha of ricefields, PHP1 billion. In Roxas City alone, 90% of fishponds and fishing boats were destroyed.[50]



Late 16th-century accounts, such as that by Miguel de Loarca and an anonymous manuscript now referred to as the Boxer Codex, describe the traditional Panayanon government thus: The head of a sakup was the datu ‘chieftain’, who was also the judge in matters of dispute, the protector and defender, and a feudal lord. His subjects were called sinakpan, whose property he appropriated when they died. Any of the datu’s sons could claim succession; hence, warfare could erupt between brothers competing for the throne. Another recourse was for the disgruntled brother of a newly installed datu to start his own sakup.[51]

A class of warriors called timawa owed fealty to, and protected, the datu. Their tasks included testing the datu’s wine for poison. They accompanied him on raiding forays and were on familiar terms with him. They were themselves descendants of datu, the first generation timawa having been the illegitimate sons of a datu and a slave woman.[52]

The rest of the sinakpan were the oripun, who provided the economic and political support for the datu and timawa, since the latter two did not engage in agricultural or industrial activity. Legislative decisions by the datu were done publicly and with the guidance of the ponu-an, a council of elders knowledgeable in matters of custom law. Although law was handed down by tradition, amendments could be made with the consensus of the other datu. The datu decided on a case after listening to the sworn testimony of the conflicting parties. All crimes, including murder and disobedience to the datu, were punishable by fines, which could be paid for with servitude.[53]


The first stage of Spanish political control was the encomienda system, which was begun in 1571. But because of the abuses perpetrated by the encomenderos, it was abolished in 1720. With the abolition of the encomienda system, Capiz was made a province, called the alcaldia, and governed by the alcalde mayor. The alcaldia was composed of pueblos, or towns, headed by a gobernadorcillo, addressed as “capitan.” The barrios, called barangay, were headed by a cabeza de barangay.


On 14-15 Apr 1901 the Taft Commission, led by Gov-Gen Howard Taft, visited Capiz while on an official tour of the archipelago. The province’s local officials met with them at the Jaena Theater. It was at this gathering that the proposal for the division of Aklan and Capiz was first presented, provoking impassioned debate among the Aklan leaders, who were themselves divided on the matter.[54]

In September 1901 the US administration, in a show of trust, allowed the local police force the use of arms, consisting of 1 Remington rifle, 4 Mausers, and 14 45-caliber revolvers.[55] On 17 Jun 1902, military rule, which had lasted exactly three-and-a-half years in Capiz, officially ended with the simple, terse report: “Post abandoned.”[56]

On 4 Jul 1902 the US government officially declared the end of the Philippine-American war. However, in Capiz, this was belied by the continued presence of American officers who stayed on to command the local constabulary. Gov Vidal himself was chafing at having to draw his salary from funds controlled by the American treasurer and the Supervisor of Education.[57]

The surrendered resistance leaders became town mayors: Santiago Bellosillo, Damaso Bulaclac, Ramon Contreras, and Nicomedes Bernales. However, Esteban Contreras moved his family to Casanayan and went back to being a fisherman.[58]

Elections for the first National Assembly were held in 1907, and three Capiznon were voted in: Jose Altavas, Simeon Mobo, and Eugenio Picazo, the last being Manuel Roxas’s stepfather.[59]  Manuel A. Roxas became the Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1922. He was one of seven members of the Constitutional Convention of 1934 who made the final draft of the Constitution, and he went on to become the first president of the Republic. When the Commonwealth Period was established, provincial and municipal leaders agitated for local autonomy. Gabriel K. Hernandez was elected governor of Capiz, and the title of “presidente municipal” was replaced by “municipal mayor.”

The women of Panay also agitated for participation in the electoral process. One of the leaders of the suffragette movement was Atty Josefa Abiertas (1894-1929), born in the town of Capiz (now Roxas City). The first female member of the Philippine Bar, she actively opposed crime and vice, especially gambling and prostitution, and organized indignation rallies with the help of student leaders.

Capiz has two seats at the House of Representatives, and is administered by a governor, vice-governor, and a provincial board.



The traditional social hierarchy consisted of five classes: the datu, timawa, oripun, negrito, and outsiders from across the seas. According to an origin myth, these classes were the five types of people that made up all of humankind. The term “datu” referred to both the social class and the village head who be- longed to this class. He had a retinue of personal vassals called timawa. These two upper classes were economically supported by the commoners, called oripun, who were further divided into 12 subclasses ranging from the bihag ‘captive slaves’ to the tumataban, “the most respected” commoner, serving only five days of labor per month.[60]

Vertical mobility was possible within this social structure. A slave, for instance, could become free after paying off his debt or as a reward from his master. Slaves could also go up the ladder of the 12 sub-classes within their class. However, the datu kept the noble line unbroken by marrying only princesses of other sakup, whether by proper arrangement or by abduction. The princesses were binokot ‘well-kept maiden’ (lit. ‘woman who is in the room’, from bukot ‘a room’), or “wrapped up,” that is, reserved for an appropriate marriage. The illegitimate sons of a captive binokot princess and the datu became the timawa. Upon their father’s death, they were set free and were called ginoo.[61]


By the 17th century, the noble classes, datu and timawa alike, had been absorbed into the Spanish colonial structure; and the timawa, now subjugated by Spanish military might, had to seek a means of subsistence like farming and fabric weaving. The current meaning of the word “timawa” is “poor or destitute,” evidence of the effect that Spanish colonization had on indigenous society.

The datu class was also referred to as manggaranon ‘rich’, halangdon ‘held in high respect’, and dungganon ‘honorable’. Among the other halangdon and dungganon were the sabiosar ‘wise’, and the babaylan ‘priest’ or ‘priestess’. The datu was also the agalon ‘feudal lord and master’ of the timawa and the oripun. Because the present agricultural system maintains feudal relations between landlord and tenant or worker, these terms are still in current use.


The Capiznon kinship system follows the general Philippine pattern, relationships being traced along both paternal and maternal lines, with terms of address for each member of the family. Marriage arrangements follow tradition-parental approval and arrangement, and a ceremony called pamalaye or pabalayon.

The marriage ceremony itself is festive and costly. The newlyweds may stay with the bride’s family for a few days, then move in with the groom’s family for a longer period, until the couple set up residence, usually as decided upon by the husband, with his wife’s concurrence. In the past, the groom was expected to serve the bride’s family for the first few months.

The father is the head of the family, although household matters like preparing the meals, buying clothing for the family, entertaining visitors and relatives, attending to the children’s needs are the mother’s responsibilities. Grandparents are respected and cared for, their opinions sought and their advice followed. In their terminal years they are attended to by the favorite son or daughter. Equal inheritance for the children is observed.



The early Panayanon believed in many gods. Bululakaw, a bird which looked like a peacock and could cause illness, was said to live in the island’s sacred mountain called Madya-as. A chief goddess was believed to reside in the mountain of the nearby island of Negros Occidental. She was called Laon, after whom Mt Kanlaon is named. Mediators to the gods, also said to be the first priests, were: Bangutbanwa, who prayed for good harvests and an orderly universe; Mangindalon, who interceded for sick persons and prayed for the punishment of enemies; and Soliran and Solian, who performed marriage ceremonies. Manunubo was the good spirit of the sea.

Traditional folk belief and legend are peopled by mythological creatures. Tungkung Langit is the god of the sky who brings famine, drought, storms, and floods. Lulid-Batang is the god of the earth, responsible for earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. Linting Habughabug is the god of lightning, whose look kills people and who shouts in anger. Launsina is the goddess of the sun, moon, stars, and seas, and the most beloved because people seek forgiveness from her. Burigadang Pada Sinaklang Bulawan is the goddess of greed to whom people pray when they want to get rich. Saragnayan, the god of darkness, has the power to replace brightness with darkness. Lubay-lubyuk Hanginun si Mahuyuk-huyukun, the goddess of the evening breeze, cools people, especially during the summer. Suklang Malayun is the guardian of happy homes, and Maklilum-sa-twan the god of the plains and valleys.

Catholicism and reverence for patron saints have not completely replaced the belief in the ingkantu (Span. encanto) ‘supernatural beings’, which reside in places called mari-it, such as cliffs, bamboo groves, boulders, and earth mounds. They either prey on people or, at the very least, play tricks on them. The ingkantu are also believed to be fairies that appear beautiful to mortals. Very similar to, or sometimes thought to be one and the same, are the tamawu/ taglugar, which are spirits that can be either friendly or evil. They live in resplendent palaces that look like mere boulders to the human eye. When they are attracted to a human being, they entice this person to join them. This peculiar act of courtship is called yanggaw.

The palhi are evil spirits. The aswang is a man-eating person. The gabunan is an aswang which flies in the form of a huge bat of which there are various kinds: tiktik, kabug, and wakwak. The tiktik is a bird that eats human liver. The wakwak, unlike the aswang, prefers to eat dead persons. The bagat, usually in the form of a huge dog or some grotesque creature, preys on lone travelers. The sigbin, also a dog, preys on people at noontime. The bawa looks like a big hen, but it can easily snap its victim’s neck. The kama-kama are dwarfs living in earth mounds, and are lazy and fun loving.

The dwindi (from Span. duende) is a dwarf residing in a mound of earth. The lulid sa bungsud has a big head, but a small torso and limbs. One who disturbs the mound where it resides falls ill. The agta is a very dark, hairy person living in the forest. Although a trickster, it is helpful to people. The amamanhig is a dead person who has returned to life and simply echoes everything that mortals say; it has lost the power to think. Hiwit or barang is a ritual that gives one the power to inflict pain on an enemy.[62]

Belief in the power of the babaylan ‘priest’ or ‘priestess’ has not completely disappeared either, although their number has dwindled. In pre-Christian times, the babaylan played an important political, social, religious, and cultural role. They were advisers to the datu, and the spiritual and physical healers of the community. They officiated in ceremonies that marked the life cycle of each villager. In pre-Spanish times, a significant religious ceremony was held every seven years to pray for the “strengthening of the universe.” The people of all three districts (Irong-irong, Hamtik, and Aklan) convened near a spring, the waters of which flowed back to the mountains. Here, sacrifices and offerings were made for seven days.[63]


Pan-ay was made the first Spanish settlement in Capiz in 1569, hence becoming the center of Christian conversion in Panay Island, with the Augustinians as the primary proselytizers.[64] The babaylan strongly resisted Spanish rule. They tried to maintain their influence over the Christianized villagers, sometimes succeeding in winning them back to the worship of their anito, and at times actually leading popular revolts. For example, two babaylan from Pan-ay named Conitnit and Cauayuay escaped into a secluded place in what is now Pontevedra. Here, they continued to perform rituals and cure the ailments of the people from Sublangon and nearby barrios. In their honor, their place of refuge was named Bailan, now a barangay of Pontevedra.[65]

In the town of Dumalag, Friar Morales was relentless in his attempts to eliminate indigenous beliefs and practices. He deliberately held mass on Pamgilaron (now Mt. Blanco) because a cave there was the babaylan’s ritual site. His mass ended just as a storm began, and white crosses were said to have fallen with the rain. At another time, he had begun to cut a tree called Maliao because the natives believed that their ancestors and diwata lived there. A native tried to stop it by killing him but the friar succeeded in felling the tree. That same day a crocodile attacked that same native and bit off his legs.[66]


With the revolution against Spain bearing a strong anti-clerical sentiment, the Philippines was fertile ground for Protestant conversion when the Americans invaded the land and stayed on. On 24-26 Apr 1901, the various American Protestant sects met in Manila to organize the Evangelical Union of the Philippines and divide the archipelago among themselves for mission work. Capiz was reserved solely for the Baptist church.[67]

Hence, in the same year, a medical missionary couple, Dr. and Mrs. Peter H.J. Lerrigo, arrived in Capiz and were received generously by an affluent couple, Don Manuel and Andrea Gregorio, who cautiously admitted to being members of a homegrown Protestant church[68] (presumably the Iglesia Filipina Independiente, founded by Gregorio Aglipay).  Two years later, Miss Celia Sainz arrived to conduct Bible studies for women; another three years later, Miss Margaret Suman arrived to run a “home school” for orphaned young girls, aged 6 to 12 years.[69]

How the home school started was tied up with the political turbulence of the period. A local officer had handed over a seven-year-old girl to the Baptist missionaries after her father was captured and sentenced to life imprisonment; her mother was dead. Thus sprung the Capiz Home School, which provided not only a home but schooling, vocational training, and a Christian formation.[70]

The American community, skeptical of “native preachers” in their church, approved of Suman’s work more than Sainz’s. In one account, there were 80 Capiznon and only two white people in church, because the preacher was a Capiznon who preached in “Visaya.”[71]


The Baptist Church, as well as local Christian groups like the Iglesia ni Cristo and Iglesia Filipina Independiente, have established themselves in the province. The majority of the Capiznon, however, are still Roman Catholic. The popularity of Catholic charismatic groups has steadily grown. A group named Jesus is Lord Believers-Disciples of the Divine Mercy fuses the devotion to the Divine Mercy with Charismatic Catholic worship. Based in Sibaguan, Roxas City, it is headed by lay people and is recognized by the Catholic Church. As in most of the Philippines, each town in Capiz celebrates a patron saint’s feast day with a pista ‘festival’, which is a fusion of civic and religious events. For example, the Sinadya (merrymaking) Festival is celebrated annually in Capiz City, the provincial capital, on December 4-8 to correspond to the feastday of the Immaculate Conception.

Fringe groups and folk practices bear vestiges of the indigenous belief system. In 1954 there emerged a religious group called “Trance,” headed by someone called “Iluy sang Duta” (Mother of the Earth). She was believed to have the power to communicate with the Blessed Virgin Mary via the pasagahay, or the ritual that takes her soul to heaven.[72]

The function of the babaylan as medical practitioners persists in folk healers manugluy-a ‘ginger-healer’ and siruhano ‘surgeon’, whose rituals are a blend of indigenous and Christian elements. The Capiznon might consult the folk healer for diseases that cannot be explained by Western medicine. Chills and fever, for instance, may be interpreted as kabuno, or a reprimand given by a dead person to a relative. Sinda, which is manifested by vomiting, and sabwag, by itchy lesions on the skin, may be punishment inflicted by supernatural beings. The afflicted person may ask a folk healer to propitiate these beings with offerings.


Until today, the belief in pre-Christian mythological beings lingers, especially the belief in the aswang. Spanish chroniclers such as Plasencia (1589), Alcina (1668), Ortiz (1731), and San Antonio (1738) wrote that the belief in the man-eating aswang was generally common among Visayans, although they did not state any specific association with Capiz or its people.[73]

In modern times, however, Capiz has been specifically associated by the non-Capiznon with the aswang. In Maximo Ramos’s The Aswang Complex, 1990, the province of Capiz features prominently as the setting of aswang stories. One story has the whole population of a barrio in Capiz consisting of aswang, including the town mayor.

Local scholars have identified specific elements in the Panayanon mythical tradition referring to the aswang. Clavel (2004) traces the association of Capiz with the aswang to the story of the conflict between the good spirit named Agurang and the malevolent spirit named Asuwang. Magos (2005) points to the character Paglambuhan, who was called “aswang” in the Hinilawod epics of Central Panay. He was a formidable warrior who collected the bones of his vanquished enemies as symbols of prestige and valor. Both scholars propose that the label “aswang” was later applied to people believed to have supernatural powers and who did not succumb to foreign influence as colonialism progressed.[74]

The prominence of Capiz in this narrative may have arisen from the prevalence and the resistance of the babaylan, such as Conitnit and Cauayuay. The Spanish friars called these powerful personalities demons, witches, or devils, thus demonizing them. This slander later fused with the native appellation of “aswang.” Despite the end of Spanish rule and the entry of the Americans with their science and modern medicine, the babaylan continued to perform their traditional functions in the area.[75]

Modern medicine itself may be deemed responsible for the continuation of the myth of the Capiznon aswang well into the 21st century.[76]  American colonial records describe a muscle disorder, called Torsion Dystonia, or in Capiznon, lubag ‘to twist’, also described as “twisting movements which progress into abnormal postures.” This description, it is said, matches that of the aswang. A study of the disease places Capiz as the home of 131 out of 269 people in the whole Philippines afflicted with the disease, with 50 others in the rest of Panay.[77]


The traditional house of the Capiznon is made of bamboo and nipa or cogon leaves. It is square, with one to two rooms. The roof—which is either palaya ‘pyramid shaped’ or binalay ‘hip shaped’—is made of either cogon or nipa leaves. The main posts are of agoho timber while the smaller posts, roof beams, and rafters are of dried bamboo. Rope and vine are used to join parts together, such as beams and rafters. Instead of nails, which may split the bamboo, wooden pegs and mortise-and-tenon are used. The walls are of woven bamboo slats, woven amakan ‘bamboo splints’, or flattened bamboo nodes. The floor, which is about 1.5 m above the ground, is of bamboo slats that may be laid in such a way that the nodes form a design. The space under the floor is generally open, but sometimes is used as the shelter for livestock like pigs or chicken or as the rice granary. If so, it is enclosed with woven bamboo slats or bamboo tops and twigs.

Sulay ‘props’ made of sturdy bamboo are sometimes used to support the sides of the house. One end is pegged or tied to a section under the eaves, while the opposite end is buried in or pegged to the ground and reinforced by large stones. Interior partitions, such as those between the living room and kitchen, are made of woven amakan. The kitchen contains the stove and the tarap-anan, a bamboo platform standing on stilts above the stove. Placed here are leftover food and kitchen utensils, such as the bayung ‘bamboo water container’, banga ‘clay water jar’, kerosin ‘kerosene can’, and kabu ‘coconut shells for drinking’.

There must be at least one window facing the east, for good luck. For the same reason the owner marks the number of steps by reciting the words oro, plata, mata ‘gold, silver, death’; and the builder must make sure that the steps do not end on the word “death.”

The way the basic house materials are put together fulfills both functional and aesthetic ends. The nipa shingles on the roof are left untrimmed, so that the effect is a shaggy and informal look. Window latticework designs may range from the simply geometrical to the ornate. Bamboo strips of various lengths are placed end to end in different positions or laid over other strips to effect intricate geometric designs, such as diagonals on squares, zigzags on horizontal stripes, diamonds within diamonds, sprinkle of asterisks, flowers, crosses, and stars.

The Capiznon weaving and embroidery culture is reflected in some windows, which can resemble piña or jusi embroidery or the solihiya ‘caned’ design of living room furniture. In the rural areas, the bamboo or nipa house stands squarely in the middle of the field, overlooking the various stages of the agricultural cycle.


City or town planning reveals traces of Spanish influence. In the pueblo complex, the town center is a huge, open square called the plaza, from which streets and houses radiate. The plaza is surrounded by the cathedral, the government buildings, and the stone houses of the traditionally affluent. The residential stone houses of the Spanish period, some of which still stand today, derive their basic structure from the traditional rural house. The steep roof is hip shaped, originally of nipa but now replaced by galvanized iron; the living quarters are elevated. The stone wall has a wooden frame that still makes use of the post-and-lintel structure, identical to that of the nipa house. The zaguan, or stone ground floor, is used as an office, storage space, a stable, or a garage. Rooms on the upper floor are a vestibule, living room, bedrooms, a dining room, kitchen, toilet and bathroom.

Church architecture in Capiz is represented by the churches of Roxas City (1728, 1885, 1870), Loctugan (1875), Dumalag (1833, 1873), Pan-ay (pre-1698), and Dumarao (1710). The Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, Roxas City, has a facade that is almost bare, having less of the baroque features typical of Philippine churches. The Church of St. Teresa of Avila, Loctugan, has one story, with flat pilasters and a Graeco-Roman pediment; underneath are triglyphs. The Church of St. Martin of Tours, Dumalag, has a facade that is decorated by small pilasters. Its five-story tower has five bells forged in 1881. The church used to have beautiful paintings but these have become faded and time worn. The facade of the one-story Church of Our Lady of Snows, Dumarao, is a study in contrast: a massive wall, slender columns, and disproportionately small Greek pediment.

The facade of the Church of Santa Monica, Pan-ay, is unique for the different shapes of the first story and the second story. Considered one of the most beautiful churches in the country, it is an excellent blend of the baroque and neoclassical styles. In this church hangs a bell which is reported to be the largest in the country.



The traditional weaving method of piña ‘pineapple fiber’ is called pili or sinuksuk. This is a floating weft technique accomplished after cloth weaving, an intricate process for embellishing piña fabric before it is cut and sewn into a gown. A typical design is a cluster of five-petal flowers surrounding a butterfly. This is repeated in a series along the borders of the cloth.

The Visayan skirt is the patadyong, a knee-length barrel skirt with inwoven checkered designs in red, green, black, yellow, and white. The upper garment is the thin, almost transparent kimona, a sleeveless blouse that hangs loosely down to the waist. It has no openings on either front or back but has a wide neckline sometimes embroidered with flower, tendril, and leaf designs.

Abaca slippers, which the town of Loctugan produces, have designs of flora or fauna, woven in simple geometric lines and in red, green, yellow, and blue colors. Sequins and beads of the same colors are attached to those that are worn for special occasions.

During the Spanish period, capiz shells were used for window panes on houses and convents. Today, these shells are strung together to make chandeliers, or glued together to make lampshades. Shell chimes are strung together in two or three graduated tiers and sometimes painted.


In 1904 a painting of the Capiz River, done by the local artist, Pedro Adreña, was included among the exhibits in the Philippine pavilion at the St. Louis exposition.[78]

Contemporary Capiznon artists, whose mediums include oil pastel and acrylic, are Antonio S. Valdez Jr., Roberta Miranda-Vallar, Ricardo C. Lauz, Ronnie Albaladejo, John S. Heredia, Lino Villaruz, Louie Ignacio, Rudy Libiano, Al Diaz Berdugo, Jake Olivare, Sancho Saladar, Lito Baria, Eric Delfin, Alvin Bueno Jr., Samuel Bulquerin, Krismarie Lozada, and Marte Garbo.[79]



The patugmahanon ‘riddle’ is a word game played by adults and children at social occasions, to while away the time, to create camaraderie among warring parties, or simply to entertain. It reveals the people’s values, institutions, traditions, customs, and humor which is sometimes risqué.

1. Anu nga tanum nga kun sia magpuya sa ulo nagaagi?

(Puso sang saging)

(What plant bears fruit that passes through its head?

[Banana flower])

2. Pumungku ang maitum Tinusluk sang mapula Gumwa puti na. (Dinaha)

(The black one sat down, Was pricked by the red one; What came out was white.

[Rice cooked in a pot]).

3. Pag-abut ni Tatay mu bumag-id kay nanay mu.

(Sanduku kag bairan)

(As soon as your father arrived, He rubbed against your mother. [Bolo and grindstone])

4. Isa ka gatus nga magbulugtu, Lunsay nagakalu.


(A group of little gentlemen, All wearing hats.

[Betel palm nut])

5. Baboy sa Sorsogon Kun indi pagsakyan, indi magkaun.

(Kuskusan sang lubi)

(My pig in Sorsogon Unless mounted, will not eat.

[Coconut grater])

The hurubaton ‘proverb’ is most revealing of the natural environment and material culture of the Capiznon. The strong odor of ginamos ‘fermented small fish’ is used as analogy for one’s foul secrets, as in the proverb:

Bisan anhun nimu sing tagu,

Kun ginamus nga mabahu,

Siguru gid nga manimahu.

(No matter how well you hide it,

The bad-smelling ginamos

Will always give off its odor.)

In another proverb, the batu bantiling ‘basalt’ is the metaphor for a hard object worn out by dogged perseverance:

Ang batu bantiling bisan nga matig-a,

Sa inanay nga tulu sang ulan madutlan.

(The basalt rock, no matter how hard,

Will soften when continously wet by raindrops.)

Unguarded rice grains are used as analogy for one’s carelessness over hard-earned property:

Ang binun-ag nga wala sing bantak tuk-un gid.

(Unguarded rice grains being dried under the sun will be picked.)

The lawaan, a tall, strong tree, symbolizes a person with the same characteristics:

Lawaan, kun nagatungtung ka sa kataasan,

Kung ikaw sang Dyus pagbut-an,

matupung ka sa ulisiman.

(Lawaan, you may be standing on the highest ground;

but if God wills it,

you will be cut down to the size of the weed.)


Prose narratives consist of tales, fables, and legends explaining the origin of place names, land features such as caves and forests, and other elements of nature such as root crops and animals.

A legend about the Capiznon’s first basic food tells of two brothers and one sister who were suffering as a result of famine. One day the two brothers talked about killing their sister Cayla to spare her from dying of hunger. Distraught, Boaran, the older brother took a walk and came upon an old man who instructed him to do the following: chop up his sister, sow the pieces of het flesh on the kaingin ‘swidden field’, bury her head in the middle of the kaingin, and then build a hut over it. The old man promised that the kaingin would then grow rice grains, coconut trees, sugarcane, tubers, and sweet potatoes. Furthermore, the girl’s life would be restored and she would be sitting in the hut after three days. All that the old man promised came true. But she recovered only long enough to walk back home with her two brothers. After a few words of farewell, she disappeared.

Pure legends perpetrated by the Spanish colonizers attribute place names to them. One tale has it that Legazpi and his men, in search of food, exclaimed upon discovering the island, “Pan hay en esta isla!” (Bread there is on this island!). The name of Capiz is explained in the following tale: A group of Spaniards who had lost their way saw a mother coddling her twin sons. When they inquired as to the name of the place, she thought they were asking about her sons, so she answered, “Kapid” (twins). A native conjecture is that the province was named after the twin sons of Datu Sumakwel, one of the 10 Bornean datus who settled on the island. “Kapid” may also refer to Capiz being Aklan’s twin.

Then there is the legend of the origin of the name of the town Dao. When Datu Bangkaya was ruler of Aklan after the Confederation of Madya-as, he ordered the barangay to look for areas on which to establish settlements. Two barangays, led by Isada and Paro, went in opposite directions on the river, starting from a common point called Catabanga. They met at a bank near a big tree called dao. Today the natives of Dao recognize Isada and Pedro as Dao’s founders. Spanish accounts, however, say Dao was founded in 1835.



The toltog palanog, a clay flute, is the earliest musical instrument in Panay. It has three holes at one end and two at the sides. There are several kinds of tulali or bamboo flutes, including the pasyok, a child’s flute made of stiff rice straw; the dios sios, a set of reeds of different lengths, tied side to side; and the budiong, a shell with the pointed tip cut off. The tan-ag, made of two pieces of light wood, is the earliest percussion instrument. A set of these is called the dalutang. The bunkaka or takup is a section of bamboo with a split end. It is held in the right hand and struck against a pole in the left hand.

Different ways of striking cause variations in rhythm. The bulibaw is a drum made of hollowed-out wood topped by animal skin. The ludang is a smaller drum that is held on the lap. The lipakpak is a clapper made of a narrow section of bamboo, two nodes long. It is split in two down to one node. The lower half is the handle. The native guitar goes by various names: the pasing, lit ‘to strike’; boktot ‘hunchback’, because it is made of coconut shell; or culating. The strings are made of fibers or any twine. This is used to accompany the singing of the panawagon or the kumpusu. A guitar with six strings made of hemp, banana fiber, or lukmo is now called the sista, from the Spanish word sexta or “six.”

The buting is a thin bamboo tube with two ends that are strung with hemp or any fiber, so that it bends like a bow. The kudyapi is a violin made of thin light wood and strung with hemp or banana fibers. The subing or bamboo jew’s harp is made of a narrow and thin piece of seasoned bamboo with a strip cut in the middle. One makes this strip vibrate by gripping the solid end with the mouth, holding the middle with one hand, and striking the other end with a finger of the other hand.


The pre-colonial Panayanon had a rich repertoire of ambahan ‘songs’ for their daily activities and for special occasions. The sabi was a dirge, or song of lamentation for the deceased. A batar was a eulogy in praise of the heroic deeds of the deceased. The rowing or boat song was the hilimbanganon, aka batbat, which was started off with an unrhymed couplet by a song leader, to whom the crew members responded with lines with a heavy beat. These were interspersed with the hotlo ‘refrain’: “hod-lo hele hiya hele!” This is presumably why the men’s work song was generically called the hele.[80]


The first four lines of the typical Capiznon folk song establishes the melody, which is repeated thereafter. The kumpusu is sung to a preset melody, which has become part of the traditional repertoire of the singer. The panawagon is a plaintive love song, usually about unrequited love. It is sung at a harana or when the man serenades his lady love beneath her window.

The Kumpusu

The most popular type of folk song is the kumpusu/composo, a ballad the topics of which range from historical events to love affairs of some people (actual or fictitious) and social conditions. For example, a ballad with bawdy lyrics, “Ang Mga Pampam” (The Prostitutes), describes the forward behavior of prostitutes during the early American colonial period.

Anyus cuarenta y dos edad sang kalibutan

Amu ang pag-abut kanu nga kadam-an

Ang mga babayi kay nagbululu-ang

Dalaga, may bana, nag-intra sa pampam

Uras igkaaga pampam gapalaligu Sa higad sang baybay pampam gapululungku

Umabut na gani ang pisti nga kanu

Ang bwisit nga pampan kay nangupu-kupu

Pampam ining pampam

Pampam kanday Felipe

Mas swabi, manami

Pampam kanday Tony Bayaran mamisu

Dus pisus ang gab-i

Hasta namaaga nimu nga bumbati

Akun naluuyan pampam nga tigulang

Birahan sang kanu, pampam nagasiru

Tungud sadtung armas, malaba kag daku

Ang buwisit nga pampam nagahiku-hiku.

(The world was 42 years old

When many Americans arrived;

The women went crazy,

Single girls and the married women became prostitutes,

Every morning the prostitutes took their bath On the shore the prostitutes all sat,

But when the American pests came

The pesky prostitutes embraced them

These prostitutes were prostitutes;

The prostitutes at Felipe’s

Were more suave, more delectable

Than those at Tony’s;

Payment was in pesos,

Two pesos a night

And you could use them until dawn;

It was the old prostitute I pitied;

The American attacked, the prostitute burped

Because of his weapon, that was long and big

The pesky prostitute wriggled in pain.)

“Pagkalunud sang Negros” (The Sinking of Negros) recounts a sea tragedy that occurred in 1927, when the interisland vessel Negros sank in the sea near New Washinton and Kalibo, Aklan, during a typhoon. “Pagbumba sa Syudad sang Iloilo” (The Bombing of Iloilo) narrates the Japanese bombing of Iloilo and the death of many civilians on 18 Nov 1941. It includes a fictional account of Hitler visiting Roosevelt at the ·American embassy to warn the latter of the impending war. There are references to the “bestial Japanese” who had the “bad manners” to bomb the “port of Hawaii.”

An example of a kumpusu about war is “Si Deocampo kag si Villamor” (Deocampo and Villamor):

Akun kumpusuhun yadtung si Deocampo

Sanglit kay abyadur siang Filipino

Sia ang nangahas sa pagbumbardiyu

Sa banwa sang Hapon sa syudad sang Tokyo

Anay sang didtu na sia sa Pacifico

Siang inabutan kinsi ka iruplanu

Iya nga gin-away sanglit kay kuntraryu

Naubus ang kinsi, humulus treinta y ocho

Yadtung treinta y ocho iya pinaluta-lutayan

Bali veinte y ocho ang iya natugdang

Sa tagipusuun sang iya nga nasyun

Tagipusuun nga Pilipinhun

Amu ang gugma sang dalagang bukidnun.

(I shall narrate Deocampo’s story

Because he was a Filipino pilot

He it was who dared to bomb

The country of Japan, the city of Tokyo

When he was over the Pacific Ocean

He was overtaken by l5 airplanes

He engaged them in battle because they were enemies

All 15 were demolished, were replaced by 38

These 38 he fired at wildly

All in all he felled 28;

In the heart of his nation

A heart that was Filipino

Was the love for a mountain lass.)

“Basilio” is a kumpusu that hints at a natural cause for a man’s aswang behavior (i.e., cannibalism). Basilio has broiled and eaten his own child and is therefore condemned by law and social opinion as an aswang. Reproaching him, his wife recalls a period of famine when they shared a handful of rice. Hence, these lines hint that Basilio’s crime may have been provoked by extreme hunger and therefore give a clue as to the economic conditions of the people. On the other hand, it is cultural forms like this that might have confirmed for outsiders the myth of the Capiznon being aswang.

On the other hand, there are kumpusu that are fictional narratives with a didactic purpose. “lbon nga Pinis” is about an unfaithful female bird named Pinis. When her husband Bedabid goes searching for food, she has an affair with Jecaro, who happens to fly by. She is left alone in the end, Bedabid having flown away brokenhearted upon learning of her infidelity, and Jecaro having had doubts about her faithfulness to any lover.

The Copla

Other types of folk songs are the copla ‘light song’, subtypes of which are the lullaby, children’s song, game song, and animal song (used to accompany spontaneous folk dancing); panawagon ‘love song’; work song; war song; and the luwa, which is sung at the bilasyon, or vigil for the dead. The most popular lullaby in Panay is “IIi, IIi Tulug Anay,” which is also well-known nationwide:

Ili, ili tulug anay

Wala diri imu Nanay

Kadtu tinda, bakal papay

Ili, ili tulug anay.

(Little one, little one, sleep awhile;

Your mother is not around;

She went to the market to buy bread;

Little one, little one, sleep awhile.)

Children sing while they play group or individual games. Some of these game songs are about animals whose behavior the children imitate with gestures as they sing, as in “Tung-tung-tung-tung Pakitung- kitung”:

Alimusan sa pinggan

Ginabantug nga indi masud-an

Ginkuha kag ginsud-an

Nagtambuk kami tanan.

(The catfish on the plate

Known never to be made into a viand

It was caught and made into a viand

We all got fat.)

The panawagon ‘love song’ is usually about unrequited love, and may sometimes express the hope of winning the heart of one’s beloved, as in “Ang Tima- wa” (The Lowly One):

Imu nga ginsikway ining pubri ku nga dughan

Sanglit kay timawa ining akun kahimtangan

Kay ikaw gid, Inday, pinalangga ku nga tunay

Sanglit kay timawa, antusun, Inday, ang imu pagsikway.

(You forsook this poor breast of mine

Because of my lowly state;

But you, Inday, are my true love

Because I am a lowly one, I shall bear, Inday, your forsaking me.)

The work song “Filemon” is the best known of the very few extant today:

Si Filemon, si Filemon

Namunit sa kadagatan

Nakakuha, nakakuha

Sang isda nga tambasakan

Ginbaligya, ginbaligya

Sa tindahan nga guba

Ang iya nga nakuha

Ang iya nga nakuha

Igu lang ipanuba.

(Filemon, Filemon

Went fishing in the sea

And what he caught, what he caught

Was tambasakan fish

He sold them, he sold them

At the dilapidated market

And what he earned

And what he earned

Was just enough for tuba.)

The Luwa

During vigils for the dead, the people sing the luwa to while the night away and to keep from falling asleep. These may be humorous, sentimental and mournful, or didactic, i.e., expressing allegorical lessons about life and using nature symbols. Below are two humorous or whimsical luwa:

O is pusibli nga manayuk-nayuk

Vamos sa katungggan, kitay manamiluk

Pagdala sang wasay, pagdala sang pasuk

Langgaw nga dalisay

Ay, ay, nga makaluluuy.

(0 it’s possible that is tall

Let’s go to the swamp, we’ll gather shipworms

Bring an ax, bring a pasuk

Pure vinegar

Ay, ay, you look pitiful.)

Didtu sa amun sa Capiz,

Banwa nga naturales;

Nagadalagan ang ibis,

Ginalagas sang kamatis.

(In our place in Capiz,

Town that is natural;

Small fish are running,

Tomatoes are chasing them.)

The go-betweens who recite the luwa in the courtship ritual may deliberately use ambiguous and circumlocutory language, which keeps the audience in suspense regarding the sincerity of their declarations.

Ang gugma mu, Nunuy, kun hantup sa bu-ut,

Bumugsuk kay balay sa pusud sang lawud;

Salugan muy tapi dindinan muy pawud,

Aptan musing pakpak sang banug.

(If your love, Nunuy, is sincere,

Build a house in the middle of the ocean,

Make the floor out of wood, the wall out of nipa,

And the roof out of hawk’s wings.)

In the parlor game, the man and woman take turns reciting, and whoever recites the greatest number of luwa wins the game. A luwa recited by a woman is the following:

Ang bulak sang tanglad kay pitu ka batu,

Kuha-un ku ang apat mabilin ang tatlu;

Tagaan ta, Nunuy, dyutay nga termino,

But-un ta ugaling maghumuk ang batu.

(The tanglad flower has seven stones,

I pick four and three are left,

I’ll give you, Nunuy, a small condition,

I’ll marry you when the stones soften.)

A man’s luwa is the following:

Malayu nga lugar ang akun ginhalinan,

Tupad sa Oriente, dayun sa Sidlangan;

Madamu nga bulak ang akun naagihan,

Solo ka lang Inday ang akun mahamut-an.

(From distant places I have come,

From the Orient, toward the East;

I have passed many flowers,

But you alone have the fragrance that pleases me.)

The Revolutionary Anthem

In 1897, Gen. Esteban Contreras’s revolutionary movement had an anthem:[82]


Awit sang Revolucionarios

Viva sa cay Hen. Aguinaldo nga nagtucod sang revolucionario

Ang jefe nila nga guinboto si Juan cag si Ruperto

Ala jota jota sa cay Maraingan

Ala jota jota sa cay Don Esteban

Ala jota jota sa tanan sa ila

Viva! Ay cay Senior Pascual Barza

Viva to Gen. Aguinaldo, who organized the revolutionaries

The chiefs whom they chose were Juan and Ruperto

Ala jota jota to Maraingan

Ala jota jota to Don Esteban

Ala jota jota to them all

Viva! Ay to Señor Pascual Barza.

A recipient of the National Artist Award for Music, 1976, is Capiznon Jovita Fuentes (b. 1895-d. 1978). She spent her childhood and teen years in Capiz town (now Roxas City) singing danzas and habaneras, and taking piano lessons. She went to college at the Colegio de Santa Isabel in Manila, but she went home to Capiz during school breaks, when she would mount musical plays (Fil. sarswela). She taught at the University of the Philippines Conservatory of Music, 1919-1924, before leaving for Milan, Italy, to study opera. She gained international recognition singing the female lead in such operas as Madame Butterfly, La Boheme, Turandot, and Salome. Upon her first homecoming to Manila in 1930, the day of her arrival was declared a public holiday.[83]


Many indigenous folk dances are mimetic, such as the tinolabong, named after a heron called tolabong, with a long neck, long legs, long tapering bill, large wings, and soft white feathers. It is a favorite dance of the mountain people of Panitan and Loctugan. The female dancer wears a red or white skirt and a white, loose blouse with long sleeves and a close neck. The male wears red or white trousers and white camisa de chino. Both are barefoot. The dance begins with the dancers posing in the resting position of the bird, their hands formed like the heron’s bill. The dance imitates the heron’s movements. The dagit-dagit, meaning “to swoop,” is part of the farmers’ celebration of a good harvest in Barrio Yabton, Ivisan. The female wears a patadyong and kimona. The male wears a barong tagalog and trousers of any color.

A dance in Tapaz is the inagong, believed to have been introduced by a sultan who sought refuge among the natives of Libacao, Aklan, when the revolutionaries arrived. The female wears a patadyong and camisa with maria clara sleeves. A piece of cloth, about 2.5 em wide, from which dangle silver coins, is tied around the forehead. Another piece of cloth with coins is used as a necklace. The male wears trousers and a shirt of any color. A long red band, 7.5 em wide, has one end hanging behind the neck and is worn crossed on the chest, wound around the waist, and knotted behind. Each dancer carries a triangular red kerchief about 60 cm long.

A courtship dance in Cabugao is sa-ad ‘a promise’. This is based on a legend about a man called Indo, the best singer in the area, who fell in love with Aning. He courted her and served the family but ended up brokenhearted. He composed a song called “Sa-ad,” which became the basis of this dance. The female dancer wears a patadyong and camisa with stiff sleeves and a soft pañuelo ‘kerchief’ over one shoulder. The male wears barong tagalog and trousers of any color.

A courtship dance of Barrio Lamot is timawa ‘the pitiful one’, based on the story of a man and a woman, both timawa, who meet at a social gathering and fall in love. The female wears a maria clara costume and the male wears a barong tagalog and black trousers.

The escotis is performed by the mountain people of Capiz at a housewarming party, in order to test the strength and durability of the new house. The female wears a siesgo skirt with a voluminous underskirt, a kimona, and soft pañuelo over one shoulder. The male wears a camisa de chino and trousers of any color. Both are barefoot. They dance in sets of four pairs in square formations. In Roxas City the escotis is danced at special occasions like weddings or baptismal parties.

People living in the hinterlands of Tapaz are variously called the Sulod, Montecas, Mundo, Bukidnon, or Bukil. One of their dances is banog-banog, which imitates the movements of the hawk. The female wears a long-sleeved piña blouse and a patadyong. Strands of silver-coin necklaces, of Queen Isabel and Alfonso XII vintage, cover the breast down to her waist. The male wears a loincloth embroidered with geometric designs or conventional figures like the lizard. Each dancer holds a large scarf in both hands and moves it around throughout the dance.


Religious Rituals

The roots of Capiznon theater are in ritual, such as the babaylan rites for appeasing spirits and curing the sick (still practiced today), which include mimetic elements and chant; and second, in the verbal games played at wakes. In the rituals, sacrifices are offered, prayers chanted, and symbolic dance motions made. In the verbal games, a semidramatic situation ranges men against women in poetic jousting. At the nightly vigils during a wake, for example, the men and women compete in the reciting of the luwa. The gentlemen pay compliments, boast about bravery, distances traveled, or hardships undergone; and the ladies answer coyly, also in verse.

Religious drama and dramatizations in Western Visayas include the forms found in other regions: the soledad on Easter morning, in which the black-veiled Mater Dolorosa wanders through the town in a lonely vigil, then meets the carro ‘float’ of the risen Christ; the taltal “passion play’ on Good Friday; the Easter procession of the Resurrection, in which a boy and a girl dressed as angels recite poems to the Christ and the Virgin; the Constantino in May, dealing with the finding of the Holy Cross; the pastores or da-igon at Christmastime, in which songs are sung by the “shepherds” worshipping the Infant Christ. Except for occasional revivals and revitalized forms, there are few full-length presentations these days.

Unique to Pan-ay, Capiz, is the “Considerad” (To Contemplate), a 46-stanza poem written in 1935 by a seminarian, Jose Bulao, who gave the manuscript to Vicente Buenvale, aka Tay Vicente Atak. The “Considerad” is integrated into the Good Friday procession. Objects signifying aspects of Christ’s life were attached to forty-six poles, each carried by a boy. Twenty-three of the boys alternated with the other twenty-three in chanting verses in Spanish and their Capiznon equivalent. The verses each started with the words “card,” “pouch,” “post,” “cord,” “clothes,” “crown,” “palm,” “lamp,” “sword,” “judgment,” “cross,” “hammer,” “nail,” “stairs,” “rooster,” “spear,” “forceps,” “handkerchief,” “glass,” “cotton,” “insignia,” and again, “card.” An excerpt is the following:[84]

Considerad que entos dalos

Fueron que jugaban los Judios

Pamalundogon ta mga Cristianos

Ini nga mga baraha

Amo ang ginsugalan sang mga Judios.

The Moro-moro and the Zarzuela

Stage drama seems to have begun in the 19th century with the kulukyu, or moro-moro, which is adapted from the korido ‘metrical romances’. This, as in other regions, had Moors, called pulahan because they wore red, and Christians, called ituman because they wore black. The plays were staged in makeshift open air stages at fiestas, in plazas, cockpits, theaters when available, marketplaces, and carnival auditoriums. These were staged well into the next century, although early in the 20th century, the zarzuela (Fil. sarswela) ‘musical play’ replaced the kulukyu as the most popular theater form.

In 1999 Daisy Hontiveros Avellana (b. 1917-d.2013) of Roxas City, Capiz, was conferred the National Artist Award for Theater and Film. Among the plays in which she starred are Nick Joaquin’s Tatarin and Portrait of the Artist as Filipino. Films that she directed are Diego Silang, 1968, and Walang Sugat (Without a Wound), 1971. She wrote the screenplays for the historical biopics Sakay, 1939, and Tandang Sora, 1947.[85]


In Roxas City, the Halaran ‘place of offering’ Festival was originally held for three days in October. Begun in 1975 by then Capiz Gov Cornelio Villareal Jr, the festival was a dramatization of the pre-Christian practices of the Capiznon’s Malayan ancestors. However, in 1981, this feature was replaced with a Catholic form of celebration; and a Holy Mass opened the festivities. The highlight of the festival is a fluvial parade on Panay River, with two rows of biniday ‘sailboats’. The passengers are dressed like Malayan aristocrats of the old days, sailing toward each other. In 1985 a pageant of the province’s history, from the time of the aboriginal Aeta to the present, was added, and on the afternoon of the last day, there was dancing in the streets.

In 1992 Roxas City’s Halaran Festival was fused with Capiz City’s Sinadya festival, which was begun in 1988. A year later, these were again celebrated separately until 1998, when they were fused again, taking the name “Sinadya sa Halaran.”[86]  “Capiz-tahan” (a pun on kapistahan ‘festival’) is the celebration of Capiz’s foundation day on 15 Apr 1901. An evening fluvial parade and seafood festival highlights the festivities.[87] The Sinadya sa Halaran is held on Dec 4-8 annually.

On 29-30 Oct 2004, an Aswang Festival was held to capitalize on this popular notion. Initiated by the Dugo Capiznon Inc., it tried to attract tourists with Halloween-like festivities, but the Roman Catholic Church strongly opposed it, and so it was scrapped in 2007.[88]


Capiz has four local weekly newspapers: Capiz Times, Capiz Chronicle, Capiz Tribune, and The Watchman. These deliver local news, opinion, features, and ads in less than a dozen pages for a circulation of a few hundred to a thousand readers. Most of the articles are written in English rather than in the local language.

There are two local TV stations operating in Capiz: Filvision (Altocable), which is operated by providers of cable television; and CCTN-Capiz, a religious channel operated by the Archdiocese of Capiz and affiliated with CCTN Cebu (Clavel, V 2012).[89] A third, Wesfardell TV, has not resumed broadcast since Typhoon Yolanda, aka Haiyan, struck the province. Alto-TV features a variety of public affairs programs, as well as socio-political commentary. These programs are not produced by the cable TV providers themselves but by private individuals and local government agencies, which purchase airtime as block-timers. For example, Pag-Ulikid (Giving Back) features the activities and programs implemented by the provincial government, and CapizTV is a travel show that features tourist destinations in the province.[90]

Of the three AM stations that were operating in the area for decades, only two are still on the air: Radio Mindanao Network (aka Radyo Agong)–DYVR and Bombo Radyo-DYOW. The third, DYJJ Radyo Budyong, has not resumed broadcast. The radio stations provide local news for the province.  However, most of the airtime in regular programming is devoted to radio dramas in the regional language of Hiligaynon. This is because these dramas are produced in the drama center of stations in Bacolod City, Negros Occidental.

Aside from a centralized production of dramas, sister stations in the region also have standardized programming from Mondays to Saturdays. On Sundays, feature magazine shows and musical programs are aired instead of radio dramas. In these musical programs, local musicians play songs live in the local language. DYVR’s Bulawanon nga Lalantunon (Golden Songs) feature the Capiznon’s musical ability every Sunday afternoon, while DYOW’s Gitara sa Bombo (Playing the Guitar at Bombo) showcases local guitarists playing popular and traditional songs.


The belief that Capiz is the home of the aswang is propagated in national media and the entertainment industry. In November 1996, an aswang feature in GMA 7’s Brigada Siete, hosted by former Senator Vicente Sotto, insinuated that Capiz is the home of the aswang. An article by Dulce Arguelles on the 7 Feb 2000 issue of Manila Standard labeled Capiz as the “island of the aswangs.”[91] Peque Gallaga’s film Sa Piling ng Aswang (By the Aswang’s Side), 1999, used the town of Panit-an, Capiz, as its setting.[92] Another one of his films in his series Shake, Rattle, and Roll, was inspired by a story in Maximo Ramos’s The Aswang Complex. The story, however, mistakenly places the town of Dueñas in Capiz, when it is actually in Iloilo. Canadian filmmaker Jordan Clark has weighed in with his own documentary film, The Aswang Phenomenon, 2009, which investigates the possible explanations for the myth and how Capiz has become associated with it. It concludes with more questions than answers.[93]


[1] “Map.” 2017.

[2] PSA 2013; NSCB 2011; PSGC 2016.

[3] Lewis et al. 2015; Zorc 1997, 349-50.

[4] Zorc 1997, 329.

[5] Ubal 1970; Argos 1969.

[6] Ubal 1970, 160.

[7] San Agustin [1686] 1998, 427; Magos 1996, 121-22; Fernandez [1898] 2006, 174.

[8] San Agustin [1698] 1998, 75. 425, 453, 524-29; Riquel et al. [1574] Blair and Robertson 1903 vol 3:207.

[9] Medina [1630] in The Philippine Islands vol 23:165; Legazpi [1572] in The Philippine Islands vol 3.

[10] San Agustin [1698] 1998, 75; Diaz [1698] 1906 Blair and Robertson vol 38:216.

[11] Magos 1996, 121; Loarca [1582] in The Philippine Islands vol 5:78; San Agustin [1698] 1998, 59-63.

[12] Ruiz 1888.

[13] Fernandez [1899] 2006, 174; San Agustin [1615[?]in The Philippine Islands vol 25:155-56.; Bolante 1964, 95.

[14] Fernandez (1899 [?]) 2005, 172.

[15] Regalado and Franco 1973, 457.

[16] Soquiño 2008; Amigo 2002, 176-77.

[17] Clavel 1995, 27-28.

[18] Amigo, 176-80

[19] Amigo, 180-81

[20] Amigo, 180-81.

[21] Amigo, 182-83

[22] Bolante 1964, 95.

[23] Amigo, 182-83

[24] Amigo, 183

[25] Meyer 2005, 38-39.

[26] Meyer, 44.

[27] Meyer, 44-49; Amigo, 186.

[28] Amigo, 185.

[29] Amigo, 187-88.

[30] Meyer, 45, 50.

[31] Meyer, 72-78, 153-60.

[32] Meyer, 55, 88-90

[33] Meyer, 155-60

[34] Fee 1910, cited by Meyer, 243.

[36] Meyer, 105-107

[37] Meyer, 135.

[38] Bolante, p. 67; also Gov Antonio Jabana’s annual report to the Philippine Commission for 1905-06, quoted in Meyer, 126.

[39] Meyer, 143

[40] Bolante, 67.

[41] Bolante, 77, 82; Arceno 2006, cited in Clavel 2011, 13.

[42] 2007 census; National Irrigation Administration Regional Office VI, n.d.

[43] NSCB 2011.

[44] NSCB 2011; Capiz Provincial Tourism and Cultural Affairs Office.

[45] Meyer, 121.

[46] JEEO/RAFID 6 2007.

[47] Burgos 2009.

[48] Cerojano 2011; Bolante, 93

[49] CAPIZtahan 2012;

[50] Meyer, 93-94; Inocencio [1984] 2006; Burgos 2013.

[51] Loarca 1582 in Blair and Robertson 1903 vol 5:142-43.

[52] Loarca, 142-43.

[53] Loarca, 142-43.

[54] Meyer, 74-84.

[55] Meyer, 52

[56] Meyer, 60.

[57] Meyer, 56.

[58] Amigo, 189.

[59] Meyer, 144.

[60] Loarca [1582] vol 5: 138-39, 147.

[61] Loarca, 110, 114; Bobadilla [1640] vol 29:291-92.

[62] Magos 1992.

[63] Magos 1992.

[64] Fernandez 2006, 165.

[65] Clavel 2011, 5.

[66] Fernandez (1899) 2006, 172.

[67] Meyer, 255.

[68] Meyer, 259.

[69] Meyer, 264.

[70] Meyer, 264-65.

[71] Meyer, 273.

[72] Clavel 1972, pp.120-121

[73] Alcina (1668) 2005 vol 3:357; Plasencia (1589) 1903 vol 7:194; San Antonio (1738) 1906 vol 40: 345; Ortiz (1731) 1906 vol 43:108.

[74] Cited in Baes 2011, 24, 104-107.

[75] Clavel 2004

[76] Baes, 24.

[77] Baes, 109.

[78] Meyer, 100.

[79] Dichosa 2012. “Obra Maestra” 2015.

[80] Mentrida 1841; Scott 1994, 110.

[81] Mentrida 1841; Scott 1994, 110.

[82] Mentrida 184

[83] Scott 1994, 110.

[84] Bolante, 74.

[85] “Daisy” 2015.

[86] “Sinadya sa Halaran” 2010.

[87] Burgos 2012.

[88] Celino 2008.

[89] Clavel 2012.

[90] Mijares 2014.

[91] Baes 2011, 3.

[92] Azuma 2012.

[93] Lapena 2013; The Aswang Phenomenon 2009.


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Virgilio Clavel, journalist, personal communication with Ruchie Mark Pototanon, 2014.

Bienvenido Diestro, folk healer and manughilot (bone setter), age 64, retired government employee, interview by Ruchie Mark Pototan, 30 Aug 2009, Conciencia, Panit-an, Capiz.

Milagros Distor, farmer and folk healer, age 67, interview by Ruchie Mark Pototan. 29 Aug 2009, Conciencia, Panit-an, Capiz.

Melvin Galagate, station manager of DYOW Bombo Radyo, interview by Ruchie Mark Pototanon, 22 Apr 2014, Roxas City.

Lucita Gomere, farmer and folk healer, age 74, interview by Ruchie Mark Pototanon, 26 Dec 2010, Agkilo, Panit-an, Capiz.

Rico Infante, editor, Capiz Chronicle and Capiz Tribune, interview by Ruchie Mark Pototan, 30 Apr 2014, Roxas City,

Michelle Oropio, news reporter of DYVR RMN Radyo Agong, interview by Ruchie Mark Pototanon, 30 Apr 2014, Roxas City.